The Discussion On Self-Determination Summed Up . But objectively they will attack capital, and the class-conscious vanguard of the revolution, the advanced proletariat, expressing this objective truth of a variegated and discordant, motley and outwardly fragmented, mass struggle, will he able to unite and direct it, capture power, seize the banks, expropriate the trusts which all hate (though for difficult reasons! This list is, of course, far from complete. There could, of course, be no question of painting the bourgeois-led national liberation movements in revolutionary socialist colors.
The Russian Revolution of 1905 was a bourgeois-democratic revolution. So one army lines up in one place and says, “We are for socialism,” and another, somewhere else and says, “We are for imperialism,” and that will be a social revolution!
The imperialist war of 1914-16 has provided facts which refute such conclusions. It took the distinction between the nationalism of the oppressor and the nationalism of the oppressed and made it a guide to action.
version of this article. 33 Lenin, "Speech on the National Question," p. 298. What for Rosa Luxemburg, the Polish Social-Democrat, had been merely an incorrect theoretical generalisation of the specific conditions of the movement in Poland, became objective opportunist support for Great-Russian imperialism when actually applied to more extensive circumstances, to conditions obtaining in a big state instead of a small one, when applied on an international scale instead of the narrow Polish scale. 393-454. On the other hand, the very fact that revolts do break out at different times, in different places, and are of different kinds, guarantees wide scope and depth to the general movement; but it is only in premature, individual, sporadic and therefore unsuccessful, revolutionary movements that the masses gain experience, acquire knowledge, gather strength, and get to know their real leaders, the socialist proletarians, and in this way prepare for the general onslaught, just as certain strikes, demonstrations, local and national, mutinies in the army, outbreaks among the peasantry, etc., prepared the way for the general onslaught in 1905. We print below excerpts from Lenin’s “The Discussion on Self-Determination Summed Up” (July 1916). Every crisis discards the conventionalities, tears away the outer wrappings, sweeps away the obsolete and reveals the underlying springs and forces. Where does it stem from?
Lenin (Author) See all … Predictably, German opportunists welcomed their government's victory, while Russian opportunists deplored it. As capitalism spread across Asia, for example, it "has called forth national movements everywhere in that continent;...[T]he tendency of these movements is towards the creation of national states...[since] it is such states that ensure the best conditions for the development of capitalism.
The history of trends in political thought (as distinct from the views of individuals) has proved the correctness of our programme. "16 That is why: In his debate with Luxemburg on the national question, Lenin emphasized at all times that the "self-determination of nations today hinges on the conduct of socialists in the oppressor nations. He sharply attacked renegades like German Social-Democratic leader Karl Kautsky and polemicized against more left-wing socialists like Karl Radek who dismissed the Irish revolt as a “putsch” and refused to champion struggles for national self-determination.
Lenin formulated the theoretical problem posed by Poland during the First World War in these terms: "The Polish Social-Democrats cannot, at the moment, raise the slogan of Poland's independence, for the Poles, as proletarian internationalists, can do nothing about it without stooping...to humble servitude to one of the imperialist monarchies. Only those who hold such a ridiculously pedantic view could vilify the Irish rebellion by calling it a “putsch”.
He thought the Irish nation and workers would be liberated when English workers overthrew the English bourgeoisie.
On the other hand, the very fact that revolts do break out at different times, in different places, and are of different kinds, guarantees wide scope and depth to the general movement; but it is only in premature, individual, sporadic and therefore unsuccessful, revolutionary movements that the masses gain experience, acquire knowledge, gather strength, and get to know their real leaders, the socialist proletarians, and in this way prepare for the general onslaught.
For their part, Luxemburg and the Polish Social-Demo-crats argued correctly that national independence for Poland would remain a mirage as long as either Germany or Russia dominated Poland. All this before the crisis of imperialism hit its peak; the power of the imperialist bourgeoisie was yet to be undermined (this may he brought about by a war of “attrition” but has not yet happened) and the proletarian movements in the imperialist countries were still very feeble. Lenin with his cat.
Because imperialism actually tightened the grip of the stronger nations on the weaker ones, Lenin argued that struggles for national liberation could be expected to play an even greater role in the imperialist epoch than in the past. 1916: The Socialist Revolution and the Right of Nations to Self-Determination: Theses 1916: The Discussion on Self-Determination Summed Up 1917: The Seventh (April) All-Russia Conference of the R.S.D.L.P.(B. The imperialist war of 1914-16 has provided facts which refute such conclusions. It is a beacon of workers' democracy that can guide socialists in the anti-imperialist struggles of the twenty-first century as surely as it has in the past. But objectively, the mass movement was breaking the hack of tsarism and paving the way for democracy; for this reason the class-conscious workers led it. Lenin's position that socialists are duty-bound "to conduct an implacable struggle" against all those who at any time "defend or sanction national oppression or the denial of the right of nations to self-determination" was explained in detail.
24 Lenin, "Peace Without Annexations and the Independence of Poland as Slogans of the Day in Russia," Collected Works, Vol. The views of the opponents of self-determination lead to the conclusion that the vitality of small nations oppressed by imperialism has already been sapped, that they cannot play any role against imperialism, that support of their purely national aspirations will lead to nothing, etc. "5 In any event, "a general attempt to divide all existing states into national units and to re-tailor them on the model of national states and statelets is a completely hopeless, and historically speaking, reactionary undertaking. According to the historian E. H. Carr, "Lenin almost single-handed defended the old party position."37. ), and introduce other dictatorial measures which in their totality will amount to the overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the victory of socialism, which, however, will by no means immediately “purge” itself of petty-bourgeois slag. Part-IV: What is the way forward for the United Nations? 8 Lenin, "Resolution on the National Question," Collected Works (Moscow: International Publishers, 1963), Vol. Written: February-May 1914 Published: April-June 1914 in the journal Prosveshcheniye Nos. Crude Oil and Natural gas are assets of society, Privatisation of Petroleum Refineries is Anti-People and Anti-National, Privatisation of petroleum companies and opposition of workers, World peace can be ensured only on the basis of the independence, sovereignty and equality of all states. Our theses were written before the outbreak of this rebellion, which must be the touchstone of our theoretical views. "A 'right of nations' which is valid for all countries and all times," she wrote, "is nothing more than a metaphysical cliché. ", V.I. In the middle of harsh disagreements over independence for regions such as Georgia and the Ukraine, Lenin's ideas stood out for their honesty and clarity: We must, therefore, strive persistently for the unity of nations and ruthlessly suppress everything that tends to divide them, and in so doing we must be very cautious and patient, and make concessions to the survivals of national distrust....In this matter we can afford to wait, and must wait, because the national distrust among the broad mass of peasants and small owners is often extremely tenacious, and haste might only intensify it, in other words, jeopardize the cause of complete and ultimate unity.38. A socialist of any of the oppressor nations...who does not recognize and does not struggle for the right of oppressed nations to self-determination (i.e., the right to secession) is in reality a chauvinist, not a socialist.
Chapter 10. With imperialist rivalry reaching a new intensity during the first decade of the twentieth century, and in keeping with the closing words of the Communist Manifesto--"Workers of all countries unite!"
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